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After the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union, emerging democracies in Eastern and Central Europe began revising their constitutions and statutory laws to guarantee the rights of a free press. As part of that effort, in 1993, I traveled to Bucharest, Romania, to speak at a conference for nongovernmental organizations and other civil society groups. During one of the presentations, a trade union representative stood up and asked, "How do we make the press tell the truth?" There were no easy answers to these questions then, and 25 years later, we confront them again, not only in Europe,<\/g> but in the United States and around the world. Politicians and their supporters accuse those in the mainstream media of peddling "fake news," a term President Donald Trump claimed, in an October 2017 interview with Trinity Broadcasting Network, he invented. So, no, Trump didn't invent what he called "one of the greatest of all terms I've come up with." But he has been one of the prolific users of it. During his candidacy and since his election, he has applied the label of fake news to virtually any media--the "failing" New York Times, NBC, ABC, CBS, CNN, among others--he disagrees with or doesn't like. But he isn't alone. A poll conducted by Monmouth University reported that three out of four Americans believe that the media routinely report fake news, while a Gallup/Knight Foundation study found that 42 percent of Republicans consider any news stories that cast a political group or politician in a negative light to be fake news. The phrase has become so ubiquitous that Washington Post columnist Margaret Sullivan has argued that it should be discarded because its original meaning--"fabricated stories intended to fool you"--has been distorted beyond recognition. In June 2018, at the height of the controversy over the separation of undocumented immigrant families at the southern border, Time magazine's "Welcome to America" cover, juxtaposing a photograph of a crying Honduran toddler with one of a menacing Donald Trump on a red backdrop, was promptly labeled fake news because the child had not, in fact, been taken from her mother by federal agents. Defenders of the magazine claimed the cover was meant not as literal fact, but rather as a metaphor for the national debate. But for those looking for more evidence of fake news, Time's cover provided it. In subsequent years, the First Amendment protection expanded to include lawsuits by public figures as well as government officials. Alleging falsity was not enough. No doubt this situation is what prompted Donald Trump, first as a candidate and then as president, to float the idea that the law should be changed. As frustrating as that might be for Trump, it is exactly Justice Brennan's point. As a commentator in The Federalist observed, freedom of the press is "too important to allow public figures . . . to use the courts to silence the publications of things they didn't like or that made them look bad." This brings us to the heart of the matter: Is Trump really bothered by falsehoods or by truthful reports that make him "look bad"? Libel law in the United States is, as then<\/g>-10th Circuit Judge Neil Gorsuch wrote in Bustos v. A&E Television Networks, "not about compensating for damage done to a false reputation by the publication of hidden facts. It's about protecting a good reputation honestly earned." Libel suits are intended to provide compensation to those whose reputations have been harmed as a result of false statements made with actual malice. By design, that is a very difficult standard to meet. But they would be the best of a bad lot. However independent they may be, courts are still instrumentalities of the government. As First Amendment scholar Zechariah Chafee wrote, "We must always be careful not to assume that the findings of a tribunal on a controversial issue are THE TRUTH." The marketplace of ideas is imperfect but essential to facilitate the search for truth. Government<\/g> can control and manipulate the flow of information about itself and its actors, so any determination of truth or falsity that fails to recognize the fundamental and coextensive right of the citizen to criticize without fear of sanctions or retribution--what Justice Brennan called "the central meaning of the First Amendment"--is flawed. A free and independent press, not a single leader or a government-run "Truth Tribunal," is the best means to ensure an informed citizenry, and to hold institutions and individuals to account. And that's not fake news.<\/g> Jane E. Kirtley is the Silha Professor of Media Ethics and Law at the Hubbard School of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of Minnesota, where she directs the Silha Center for the Study of Media Ethics and Law and is an affiliated faculty member at the Law School. She was a Fulbright Scholar at the University of Latvia in 2016 and the executive director of the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press from 1985 to 1999. Las reglas son muy simples, el juego es emocionante y existe la oportunidad de probar diferentes estrategias. El objetivo del juego es tener una puntuación cerca de 21. Las cartas y su valor Generalmente, se juega con 6 u 8 barajas francesas estándares. Depende de cada jugador individual si un as vale 1 u 11. Doblar: Doblar la apuesta inicial, entonces solo puedes recibir 1 carta. El jugador puede plantarse o pedir, incluso doblar, pero debe pagar el importe de la apuesta inicial antes de la división. 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